Senate Republicans’ approach to the Supreme Court vacancy created by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s death may reek of hypocrisy, but it’s consistent with how the party has advanced its preferred judicial nominees over the past four years: Ultimately, because they can, Republicans just end up doing whatever they want.
Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-TN) spelled out this position in a statement he issued last weekend supporting Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s plans to move ahead with a vote on whoever President Donald Trump nominates, despite Republicans having argued in 2016 that filling a Supreme Court seat in an election year is undemocratic.
“No one should be surprised that a Republican Senate majority would vote on a Republican President’s Supreme Court nomination, even during a presidential election year,” Alexander said plainly. “The Constitution gives senators the power to do it. The voters who elected them expect it.”
Since then, the bulk of the Senate Republican conference has backed McConnell’s plan, with many reversing positions they took when the GOP refused to consider President Barack Obama’s nominee for the late Justice Antonin Scalia’s seat in 2016. This year, a new Supreme Court vacancy emerged even closer to the general election, which is less than 40 days away, but the GOP is taking a decidedly different tack.
While this Republican reversal is, of course, contradictory and partisan, it is in line with the broader focus the GOP has put on remaking the federal judiciary while they continue to hold the Senate majority. “My motto for the year is ‘leave no vacancy behind’,” McConnell said earlier this year. “That hasn’t changed. The pandemic will not prevent us from achieving that goal.”
Senate Republicans’ position on this nominee is very different from the one they took on Merrick Garland in 2016
Senate Republicans’ plan to conduct a vote on Trump’s nominee is just the latest example of their willingness to defy norms that they’ve claimed deserve to be upheld in the past.
Their dedication to doing so, particularly with respect to the Supreme Court, is unsurprising. McConnell, when he was asked about a hypothetical pre-election Supreme Court opening last year, had already signaled that he’d seat a new justice. “Oh, we’d fill it,” he said at an event in 2019.
This stance is notably different from how Republicans behaved in 2016 when they said they wouldn’t be able to advance Obama’s nominee, Merrick Garland, in a presidential election year. “The American people should have a voice in the selection of their next Supreme Court Justice. Therefore, this vacancy should not be filled until we have a new president,” McConnell said that year.
McConnell’s announcement came in February of 2016, shortly after Scalia’s passing — and more than seven months before the election. (Ginsburg’s death occurred less than seven weeks before this year’s is set to take place.)
“Within hours of Scalia’s death, McConnell announced that the court vacancy should be filled by the winner of the presidential election rather than a lame-duck president in his last year in office,” former McConnell aide Josh Holmes wrote in a 2017 Politico piece. “McConnell then went about convincing the large number of Senate Republicans who were up for reelection in 2016 that this issue would help, not hurt, their election chances by motivating conservatives to turn out.”
His move was both unprecedented and risky. At the time, the Republican presidential nominee had yet to be determined, and if Hillary Clinton were to win, it’s likely she would have advanced a liberal option for the high court. But the stakes were significant for Republicans: if an Obama pick had filled Scalia’s seat, the balance of power on the Court would have shifted 5-4 in favor of Democrats’ appointees.
“It was a big gamble and it happened to pay off,” says John Malcolm, the director of the Edwin Meese Center for Legal and Judicial Studies at the Heritage Foundation.
Back then, McConnell referred to this policy as the “Biden rule,” which referenced comments that Biden had made as a senator in June 1992 when there was no Supreme Court vacancy. In those statements, Biden had argued that President George H.W. Bush should wait until after Election Day to proceed with a Supreme Court nominee, should one arise in the summer ahead of the November contest.
By refusing to consider any nominee before the election, McConnell banked on Republicans potentially retaking the presidency and an open Supreme Court seat firing up voters. The move also enabled Republicans to maintain a united front on the subject, though 19 Republicans including Sens. Chuck Grassley, Lisa Murkowski, and Susan Collins, remained open to meeting with Garland after his nomination was announced in March.
Had Garland been able to undergo the confirmation process, it’s possible he would have swayed some Republicans to support him, though it’s unclear if he would have reached the 60-vote threshold needed to advance in the case of a filibuster. Senate Republicans had a 54-46 majority in 2016, which meant that Democrats would have needed 14 senators to join them in supporting Garland to get to 60 votes.
Obama appeared to pick Garland, in part, because his nomination would ramp up pressure on Republicans. An older, more moderate nominee, Garland was more palatable to Republicans than other younger, more progressive options would have been. In 2010, Sen. Orrin Hatch, then a powerful member of the Judiciary Committee, had even said there was “no question” Garland would be confirmed if he were considered for the Supreme Court — though, of course, those comments were hypothetical back then.
Both Supreme Court nominees who preceded Garland had received some Republican support, though such votes had become increasingly polarizing by the time his nomination came up: Sonia Sotomayor was confirmed 68-31 in 2009, with nine Republicans backing her, and Elena Kagan was confirmed 63-37 in 2010, with five Republicans backing her.
Ilya Somin, a law professor at George Mason University, speculated that a strong performance by Garland during the confirmation process could have made it tougher for some Republicans, particularly those in closer reelection contests, to vote against him. “If they had held confirmation hearings, [Garland] might have looked good, and voting against him would have annoyed swing voters,” he said.
In 2016, 24 Republicans were defending their seats, while 10 Democrats were. By blocking the confirmation process altogether, McConnell enabled these lawmakers to avoid a tough vote — though some also faced heat for the conference’s decision to block Garland.
Ilya Shapiro, the director of the Robert Levy Center for Constitutional Studies at the Cato Institute, noted that “you can see vulnerable members potentially being hurt by that hardball tactic more than from having to take a tough vote.” He adds that McConnell’s efforts ultimately boosted Republicans, including Grassley, in some key states.
A major function of McConnell’s maneuver was that it made the Supreme Court — already a big priority for Republican voters — a top turnout issue. In addition to blocking Garland in the Senate, McConnell pressed the Trump campaign to put out a list of possible Supreme Court nominees, an effort that was effective in firing up members of the GOP base.
“Keeping that vacancy so he could appoint someone from the list turned out to be a powerful motivating factor,” says Malcolm. That year, 70 percent of Trump voters cited Supreme Court appointments as an issue that was important to their vote, compared to 62 percent of Clinton voters, according to a Pew study.
By touting a policy about Supreme Court nominees and the proximity of a presidential election, however, Republicans look incredibly hypocritical with their decision to completely overlook it this cycle.
Much like Alexander, few Republicans have been perturbed by the inconsistency, though.
Sens. Susan Collins (R-ME) and Lisa Murkowski (R-AK) are the only two members of the conference who have stood by their previous statements, and said they would prefer to vote on the nominee after the presidential election in November. The broader Republican support for McConnell underscores how open members of the conference have been to breaking with prior practices in order to push through judicial nominees they favor.
Republicans’ recent efforts on judges foreshadowed how they would treat this vacancy
It’s worth noting that both political parties have engaged in increasingly escalatory tactics when it comes to judicial nominees, and that Senate Republicans’ approach while they’ve held power has only become more brazen.
Since 2016, Republicans have reduced the vote threshold needed to confirm Supreme Court nominees (following a process that Democrats started to accelerate the confirmation of lower court nominees), ignored the use of blue slips on circuit court nominees (which allowed senators from a nominee’s home state to block their nomination), and cut down the amount of time every judicial nominee needs to be debated on the Senate floor.
As the party in power, these rule changes have all been within their abilities to advance — much like another Supreme Court nominee would be. Like Alexander notes, there’s little procedural recourse to block Republicans from doing what they want — though Democrats could try to threaten to pack the court, if and when they return to power, as one means of deterring them.
Republicans’ tactics, while pushing through more than 200 district and circuit court judges during Trump’s term, as well as Supreme Court Justices Brett Kavanaugh and Neil Gorsuch, foreshadowed how they’d approach the latest Supreme Court vacancy.
A lot of arguments have been used to justify GOP actions
While the simplest explanation for the GOP’s approach to the Supreme Court is that they want to and have the votes to do so, lawmakers have tried to justify their push for a new justice by offering a series of different rationales.
One of these, which McConnell has offered, is that the same party currently controls the Senate and the White House, while this was not the case in 2016. “Since the 1880s, no Senate has confirmed an opposite-party president’s Supreme Court nominee in a presidential election year,” he said in a statement last Friday.
Although this explanation nods to the tensions that are at play when the Senate and White House are held by different parties, it doesn’t provide much in the way of actual justification for the GOP behaving differently this year than they did four years ago based on the timing of an election.
Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX) has also argued that Republicans should seat another justice ahead of the November election because it will be important to have a full panel of nine judges if legal questions related to the election come before the high court. That argument, however, ignores the fact that the court was also missing a justice when the 2016 election took place.
In the end, the explanation for the GOP’s turnaround on the Supreme Court vacancy is the most straightforward one: They’ve long been eager to add another Republican nominee to the court, and there’s not much standing in their way.
All the products we found to be the best during our testing this year
Throughout the year, CNN Underscored is constantly testing products — be it coffee makers or headphones — to find the absolute best in each respective category.
Our testing process is rigorous, consisting of hours of research (consulting experts, reading editorial reviews and perusing user ratings) to find the top products in each category. Once we settle on a testing pool, we spend weeks — if not months — testing and retesting each product multiple times in real-world settings. All this in an effort to settle on the absolute best products.
So, as we enter peak gifting season, if you’re on the hunt for the perfect gift, we know you’ll find something on this list that they (or you!) will absolutely love.
Beginner baristas and coffee connoisseurs alike will be pleased with the Baratza Virtuoso+, a conical burr grinder with 40 settings for grind size, from super fine (espresso) to super coarse (French press). The best coffee grinder we tested, this sleek look and simple, intuitive controls, including a digital timer, allow for a consistent grind every time — as well as optimal convenience.
Best drip coffee maker: Braun KF6050WH BrewSense Drip Coffee Maker ($79.95; amazon.com)
During our testing of drip coffee makers, we found the Braun KF6050WH BrewSense Drip Coffee Maker made a consistently delicious, hot cup of coffee, brewed efficiently and cleanly, from sleek, relatively compact hardware that is turnkey to operate, and all for a reasonable price.
Best single-serve coffee maker: Breville-Nespresso VertuoPlus ($165; originally $179.95; amazon.com)
Among all single-serve coffee makers we tested, the Breville-Nespresso VertuoPlus, which uses pods that deliver both espresso and “regular” coffee, could simply not be beat for its convenience. Intuitive and a snap to use right out of the box, it looks sleek on the counter, contains a detached 60-ounce water reservoir so you don’t have to refill it with each use and delivers perfectly hot, delicious coffee with a simple tap of a lever and press of a button.
Best coffee subscription: Blue Bottle (starting at $11 per shipment; bluebottlecoffee.com)
Blue Bottle’s coffee subscription won us over with its balance of variety, customizability and, most importantly, taste. We sampled both the single-origin and blend assortments and loved the flavor of nearly every single cup we made. The flavors are complex and bold but unmistakably delicious. Beyond its coffee, Blue Bottle’s subscription is simple and easy to use, with tons of options to tailor to your caffeine needs.
Best cold brewer coffee maker: Hario Mizudashi Cold Brew Coffeepot ($25; amazon.com)
This sleek, sophisticated and streamlined carafe produces 1 liter (about 4 1/4 cups) of rich, robust brew in just eight hours. It was among the simplest to assemble, it executed an exemplary brew in about the shortest time span, and it looked snazzy doing it. Plus, it rang up as the second-most affordable of our inventory.
Best nonstick pan: T-fal E76597 Ultimate Hard Anodized Nonstick Fry Pan With Lid ($39.97; amazon.com)
If you’re a minimalist and prefer to have just a single pan in your kitchen, you’d be set with the T-fal E76597. This pan’s depth gives it multipurpose functionality: It cooks standard frying-pan foods like eggs and meats, and its 2 1/2-inch sides are tall enough to prepare recipes you’d usually reserve for pots, like rices and stews. It’s a high-quality and affordable pan that outperformed some of the more expensive ones in our testing field.
Best blender: Breville Super Q ($499.95; breville.com)
With 1,800 watts of motor power, the Breville Super Q features a slew of preset buttons, comes in multiple colors, includes key accessories and is touted for being quieter than other models. At $500, it does carry a steep price tag, but for those who can’t imagine a smoothie-less morning, what breaks down to about $1.30 a day over a year seems like a bargain.
Best knife set: Chicago Cutlery Fusion 17-Piece Knife Block Set ($119.74; amazon.com)
The Chicago Cutlery Fusion 17-Piece Knife Block Set sets you up to easily take on almost any cutting job and is a heck of a steal at just $119.97. Not only did the core knives included (chef’s, paring, utility and serrated) perform admirably, but the set included a bevy of extras, including a full set of steak knives. We were blown away by their solid construction and reliable execution for such an incredible value. The knives stayed sharp through our multitude of tests, and we were big fans of the cushion-grip handles that kept them from slipping, as well as the classic look of the chestnut-stained wood block. If you’re looking for a complete knife set you’ll be proud of at a price that won’t put a dent in your savings account, this is the clear winner.
Best true wireless earbuds: AirPods Pro ($199, originally $249; amazon.com)
Apple’s AirPods Pro hit all the marks. They deliver a wide soundstage, thanks to on-the-fly equalizing tech that produces playback that seemingly brings you inside the studio with the artist. They have the best noise-canceling ability of all the earbuds we tested, which, aside from stiff-arming distractions, creates a truly immersive experience. To sum it up, you’re getting a comfortable design, a wide soundstage, easy connectivity and long battery life.
Best noise-canceling headphones: Sony WH-1000XM4 ($278, originally $349.99; amazon.com)
Not only do the WH-1000XM4s boast class-leading sound, but phenomenal noise-canceling ability. So much so that they ousted our former top overall pick, the Beats Solo Pros, in terms of ANC quality, as the over-ear XM4s better seal the ear from outside noise. Whether it was a noise from a dryer, loud neighbors down the hall or high-pitched sirens, the XM4s proved impenetrable. This is a feat that other headphones, notably the Solo Pros, could not compete with — which is to be expected considering their $348 price tag.
Best on-ear headphones: Beats Solo 3 ($119.95, originally $199.95; amazon.com)
The Beats Solo 3s are a phenomenal pair of on-ear headphones. Their sound quality was among the top of those we tested, pumping out particularly clear vocals and instrumentals alike. We enjoyed the control scheme too, taking the form of buttons in a circular configuration that blend seamlessly into the left ear cup design. They are also light, comfortable and are no slouch in the looks department — more than you’d expect given their reasonable $199.95 price tag.
The Stila Stay All Day Liquid Lipstick has thousands of 5-star ratings across the internet, and it’s easy to see why. True to its name, this product clings to your lips for hours upon hours, burritos and messy breakfast sandwiches be damned. It’s also surprisingly moisturizing for such a superior stay-put formula, a combo that’s rare to come by.
The Stila Stay All Day Waterproof Liquid Eyeliner is a longtime customer favorite — hence its nearly 7,500 5-star reviews on Sephora — and for good reason. We found it requires little to no effort to create a precise wing, the liner has superior staying power and it didn’t irritate those of us with sensitive skin after full days of wear. As an added bonus, it’s available in a whopping 12 shades.
The Steelcase Series 1 scored among the highest overall, standing out as one of the most customizable, high-quality, comfortable office chairs on the market. At $415, the Steelcase Series 1 beat out most of its pricier competitors across testing categories, scoring less than a single point lower than our highest-rated chair, the $1,036 Steelcase Leap, easily making it the best bang for the buck and a clear winner for our best office chair overall.
Best ergonomic keyboard: Logitech Ergo K860 ($129.99; logitech.com)
We found the Logitech Ergo K860 to be a phenomenally comfortable keyboard. Its build, featuring a split keyboard (meaning there’s a triangular gap down the middle) coupled with a wave-like curvature across the body, allows both your shoulders and hands to rest in a more natural position that eases the tension that can often accompany hours spent in front of a regular keyboard. Add the cozy palm rest along the bottom edge and you’ll find yourself sitting pretty comfortably.
Best ergonomic mouse: Logitech MX Master 3 ($99.99; logitech.com)
The Logitech MX Master 3 is an unequivocally comfortable mouse. It’s shaped to perfection, with special attention to the fingers that do the clicking. Using it felt like our fingers were lounging — with a sculpted ergonomic groove for nearly every finger.
Best ring light: Emart 10-Inch Selfie Ring Light ($25.99; amazon.com)
The Emart 10-Inch Standing Ring Light comes with a tripod that’s fully adjustable — from 19 inches to 50 inches — making it a great option whether you’re setting it atop your desk for video calls or need some overhead lighting so no weird shadows creep into your photos. Its three light modes (warm, cool and a nice mix of the two), along with 11 brightness levels (among the most settings on any of the lights we tested), ensure you’re always framed in the right light. And at a relatively cheap $35.40, this light combines usability and affordability better than any of the other options we tested.
Best linen sheets: Parachute Linen Sheet Set (starting at $149; parachute.com)
Well made, luxurious to the touch and with the most versatile shopping options (six sizes, nine colors and the ability to order individual sheets), the linen sheets from Parachute were, by a narrow margin, our favorite set. From the satisfying unboxing to a sumptuous sleep, with a la carte availability, Parachute set the gold standard in linen luxury.
Best shower head: Kohler Forte Shower Head (starting at $74.44; amazon.com)
Hands down, the Kohler Forte Shower Head provides the best overall shower experience, offering three distinct settings. Backstory: Lots of shower heads out there feature myriad “settings” that, when tested, are pretty much indecipherable. The Forte’s three sprays, however, are each incredibly different and equally successful. There’s the drenching, full-coverage rain shower, the pulsating massage and the “silk spray” setting that is basically a super-dense mist. The Forte manages to achieve all of this while using only 1.75 gallons per minute (GPM), making it a great option for those looking to conserve water.
Best humidifier: TaoTronics Cool Mist Humidifier (starting at $49.99; amazon.com)
The TaoTronics Cool Mist Humidifier ramped up the humidity in a room in about an hour, which was quicker than most of the options we tested. More importantly, though, it sustained those humidity levels over the longest period of time — 24 hours, to be exact. The levels were easy to check with the built-in reader (and we cross-checked that reading with an external reader to confirm accuracy). We also loved how easy this humidifier was to clean, and the nighttime mode for the LED reader eliminated any bright lights in the bedroom.
Best TV: TCL 6-Series (starting at $579.99; bestbuy.com)
With models starting at $599.99 for a 55-inch, the TCL 6-Series might give you reverse sticker shock considering everything you get for that relatively small price tag. But can a 4K smart TV with so many specification standards really deliver a good picture for $500? The short answer: a resounding yes. The TCL 6-Series produces a vibrant picture with flexible customization options and handles both HDR and Dolby Vision, optimization standards that improve the content you’re watching by adding depth to details and expanding the color spectrum.
Best streaming device: Roku Ultra ($99.99; amazon.com)
Roku recently updated its Ultra streaming box and the 2020 version is faster, thanks to a new quad-core processor. The newest Ultra retains all of the features we loved and enjoyed about the 2019 model, like almost zero lag time between waking it up and streaming content, leading to a hiccup-free streaming experience. On top of that, the Roku Ultra can upscale content to deliver the best picture possible on your TV — even on older-model TVs that don’t offer the latest and greatest picture quality — and supports everything from HD to 4K.
Best carry-on luggage: Away Carry-On ($225; away.com)
The Away Carry-On scored high marks across all our tests and has the best combination of features for the average traveler. Compared with higher-end brands like Rimowa, which retail for hundreds more, you’re getting the same durable materials, an excellent internal compression system and eye-catching style. Add in smart charging capabilities and a lifetime warranty, and this was the bag to beat.
Best portable charger: Anker PowerCore 13000 (starting at $31.99; amazon.com)
The Anker PowerCore 13000 shone most was in terms of charging capacity. It boasts 13,000 mAh (maH is a measure of how much power a device puts out over time), which is enough to fully charge an iPhone 11 two and a half times. Plus, it has two fast-charging USB Type-A ports so you can juice a pair of devices simultaneously. While not at the peak in terms of charging capacity, at just $31.99, it’s a serious bargain for so many mAhs.
Trump’s misleading tweet about changing your vote, briefly explained
Searches for changing one’s vote did not trend following the recent presidential debate, and just a few states appear to have processes for changing an early vote. But that didn’t stop President Trump from wrongly saying otherwise on Tuesday.
In early morning posts, the president falsely claimed on Twitter and Facebook that many people had Googled “Can I change my vote?” after the second presidential debate and said those searching wanted to change their vote over to him. Trump also wrongly claimed that most states have a mechanism for changing one’s vote. Actually, just a few states appear to have the ability, and it’s rarely used.
Trump’s claim about what was trending on Google after the debate doesn’t hold up. Searches for changing one’s vote were not among Google’s top trending searches for the day of the debate (October 22) or the day after. Searches for “Can I change my vote?” did increase slightly around the time of the debate, but there is no way to know whether the bump was related to the debate or whether the people searching were doing so in support of Trump.
It was only after Trump’s posts that searches about changing your vote spiked significantly. It’s worth noting that people were also searching for “Can I change my vote?” during a similar period before the 2016 presidential election.
Google declined to comment on the accuracy of Trump’s post.
Trump also claimed that these results indicate that most of the people who were searching for how to change their vote support him. But the Google Trends tool for the searches he mentioned does not provide that specific information.
Perhaps the most egregiously false claim in Trump’s recent posts is about “most states” having processes for changing your early vote. In fact, only a few states have such processes, and they can come with certain conditions. For instance, in Michigan, voters who vote absentee can ask for a new ballot by mail or in person until the day before the election.
The Center for Election Innovation’s David Becker told the Associated Press that changing one’s vote is “extremely rare.” Becker explained, “It’s hard enough to get people to vote once — it’s highly unlikely anybody will go through this process twice.”
At the time of publication, Trump’s false claims had drawn about 84,000 and 187,000 “Likes” on Twitter and Facebook, respectively. Trump’s posts accelerated searches about changing your vote in places like the swing state of Florida, where changing one’s vote after casting it is not possible. Those numbers are a reminder of the president’s capacity to spread misinformation quickly.
On Facebook, the president’s post came with a label directing people to Facebook’s Voting Information Center, but no fact-checking label. Twitter had no annotation on the president’s post. Neither company responded to a request for comment.
That Trump is willing to spread misinformation to benefit himself and his campaign isn’t a surprise. He does that a lot. Still, just days before a presidential election in which millions have already voted, this latest episode demonstrates that the president has no qualms about using false claims about voting to cause confusion and sow doubt in the electoral process.
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Nearly 6,000 civilian casualties in Afghanistan so far this year
From January to September, 5,939 civilians – 2,117 people killed and 3,822 wounded – were casualties of the fighting, the UN says.
Nearly 6,000 Afghan civilians were killed or wounded in the first nine months of the year as heavy fighting between government forces and Taliban fighters rages on despite efforts to find peace, the United Nations has said.
From January to September, there were 5,939 civilian casualties in the fighting – 2,117 people killed and 3,822 wounded, the UN Assistance Mission in Afghanistan (UNAMA) said in a quarterly report on Tuesday.
“High levels of violence continue with a devastating impact on civilians, with Afghanistan remaining among the deadliest places in the world to be a civilian,” the report said.
Civilian casualties were 30 percent lower than in the same period last year but UNAMA said violence has failed to slow since the beginning of talks between government negotiators and the Taliban that began in Qatar’s capital, Doha, last month.
The Taliban was responsible for 45 percent of civilian casualties while government troops caused 23 percent, it said. United States-led international forces were responsible for two percent.
Most of the remainder occurred in crossfire, or were caused by ISIL (ISIS) or “undetermined” anti-government or pro-government elements, according to the report.
Ground fighting caused the most casualties followed by suicide and roadside bomb attacks, targeted killings by the Taliban and air raids by Afghan troops, the UN mission said.
Fighting has sharply increased in several parts of the country in recent weeks as government negotiators and the Taliban have failed to make progress in the peace talks.
The Taliban has been fighting the Afghan government since it was toppled from power in a US-led invasion in 2001.
Washington blamed the then-Taliban rulers for harbouring al-Qaeda leaders, including Osama bin Laden. Al-Qaeda was accused of plotting the 9/11 attacks.
Calls for urgent reduction of violence
Meanwhile, the US envoy for Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad, said on Tuesday that the level of violence in the country was still too high and the Kabul government and Taliban fighters must work harder towards forging a ceasefire at the Doha talks.
Khalilzad made the comments before heading to the Qatari capital to hold meetings with the two sides.
“I return to the region disappointed that despite commitments to lower violence, it has not happened. The window to achieve a political settlement will not stay open forever,” he said in a tweet.
There needs to be “an agreement on a reduction of violence leading to a permanent and comprehensive ceasefire”, added Khalilzad.
1/4 I return to the region disappointed that despite commitments to lower violence, it has not happened. The window to achieve a political settlement will not stay open forever. https://t.co/hVl4b032W6
— U.S. Special Representative Zalmay Khalilzad (@US4AfghanPeace) October 27, 2020
A deal in February between the US and the Taliban paved the way for foreign forces to leave Afghanistan by May 2021 in exchange for counterterrorism guarantees from the Taliban, which agreed to sit with the Afghan government to negotiate a permanent ceasefire and a power-sharing formula.
But progress at the intra-Afghan talks has been slow since their start in mid-September and diplomats and officials have warned that rising violence back home is sapping trust.
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