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Poll: College students are ready to call out people who don’t vote



In a new Axios poll, 61 percent of college students revealed that they would definitely or probably shame someone they know if they chose not to vote.

The poll, conducted online by College Reaction for Axios October 6-7 among 872 college students at accredited four-year universities, was specific in its wording. It asked about “someone you know [who] does not vote even though they can” — verbiage that acknowledges voting can be prohibitively difficult for people who can’t take time off work, may be forced to stand for hours in line, or have been unfairly purged from the voter rolls.

An August report from the Knight Foundation indicates that college students are uncharacteristically motivated to vote this year, 71 percent of them saying they are “absolutely certain” of it. This surge in participation from college students follows a trend reported by several outlets following the 2018 election where “turnout among college student voters more than doubled from the 2014 to 2018 midterm elections” according to the Institute of Higher Education. That enthusiasm was echoed in the Axios poll. Only 16 percent of the students said they would definitely not “address, confront, or otherwise convey disappointment” to the person who did not vote.

College students aren’t alone; “vote-shaming” in all its forms is becoming a steady fixture in American politics. From its more gentle forms like former President Obama’s famous “Don’t Boo, Vote” to the explosive aftermath of the 2016 primary when the Democratic Party desperately attempted to knit itself back together.

There has certainly been a backlash to many of these efforts. Elle magazine was heavily criticized after publishing a story ostensibly about Kim Kardashian and Kanye West separating, only to instead link interested readers to the votings rights group When We All Vote. The Washington Post detailed several other instances of vote-shaming backfires in a 2018 story, including a tweet by Billy Eichner in which he told his bellhop to vote, prompting backlash that forced him to delete the quip.

Most political conversation — about the need to vote or otherwise — is fraught in hyper-polarized 2020. But, research shows, there are ways to do it effectively.

A protester holds a placard during a demonstration in New York City’s Union Square in support of the Black Lives Matter movement.
John Lamparski/SOPA Images/LightRocket/Getty Images

What we know about how to have effective political conversations

The evidence is mixed on whether vote-shaming as a specific tactic works. Researchers at the Poverty Action Lab in 2007 found that vote shaming may be an effective strategy. In a study, they mailed voters a notice detailing their voter history and found that “disclosing past voting behavior had strong positive effects on voter turnout” and notably, “these effects were stronger when voters were told of a recent election in which they failed to vote.”

The mailing to one treatment group noted their failure to vote in a previous election and read “DO YOUR CIVIC DUTY — VOTE.” It also noted that the “list of who votes is public record” and “we will note whether you vote or not.” This group was 28 percent more likely to vote than households who received a nearly identical piece of mail which instead highlighted an election in which they had actually voted.

It’s not likely, though, that college students (or anyone for that matter) are sending anonymous mailers to their friends and family about their voting behavior. And traditional political persuasion might not be the path to pursue. My colleague Dylan Matthews recently reported on findings that voters in general elections are likely not moved at all by campaign persuasion efforts like “canvassing, phone calls, direct mail, TV, online ads, or anything else under the sun.” But talking to people you know to remind them to vote might be effective, some experts say.

There are also ways to effectively change someone’s mind, at least for some people, research shows. Vox’s Brian Resnick has written extensively on “deep canvassing,” a tactic that was mired in controversy when Science retracted the initial 2014 study after the researcher was found to have falsified his data. In a turn of events, David Brookman and Josh Kalla, political scientists at UC Berkeley and Yale, replicated the original study and found that deep canvassing actually worked.

Brian explains Brookman and Kalla’s research, detailing that deep canvassing deviates from normal door-to-door canvassing by “listening nonjudgmentally … The instructions note the canvasser should ‘appear genuinely interested in hearing the subject ruminate on the question.’” More from Brian’s piece below:

“Instead of pelting voters with facts, “we ask open-ended questions and then we listen,” Dave Fleischer, the LGBTQ rights organizer who developed the technique, told me in 2016. “And then we continue to ask open-ended questions based on what they just told us.” The idea is that people learn lessons more durably when they come to the conclusion themselves, not when someone “bitch-slaps you with a statistic,” Fleischer said. It is stories, not facts, that are most compelling to people when they’re changing their minds.”

A volunteer with the gun-control group “Moms Demand Action” knocks on doors in Sterling, Virginia, part of an effort to flip control of Congress back to the Democrats in 2018.
Lucie Aubourg/AFP/Getty Images

The results of this kind of intervention appear to have surprising longevity. After a 10-minute conversation, voters’ negative attitudes toward trans people were reduced for at least three months.

There are limitations: The presumption is still that it’s really hard to change people’s minds at all, let alone for a long time (Resnick notes other research showing just that). Even so, the “non-judgmental” approach of deep canvassing might be the best option for people at least open to changing their minds, as Resnick explained:

The effects of most efforts to change people’s minds on an issue, if successful at all, tend to fade over time. The impact of television ads, in particular, can fade in just a week. Deep canvassing, it appears from the research, has an effect that can last for several months.

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‘Libya deserves better’: Hope, doubts follow ceasefire deal



Libyans have reacted with a mix of hope and doubts after the signing of a nationwide ceasefire deal intended to pave the way towards a political solution to the country’s conflict.

While observers have welcomed the United Nations-backed deal, few are under any illusions about the difficulties of turning it into lasting peace on the ground.

“We’ve seen a lot of deals in the past,” said Hassan Mahmud al-Obeydi, a 40-year-old secondary school teacher from the eastern city of Benghazi. “What’s important is the implementation.”

Friday’s deal was signed in Geneva by military delegates from the two main warring parties in the North African country, which plunged into violence in 2011 with the NATO-backed revolt that toppled former leader Muammar Gaddafi.

The Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA) and rival forces led by renegade military commander Khalifa Haftar agreed to withdraw from the front lines, start demobilising armed groups and set about integrating them into the state.

Crucially, the deal also calls for the departure of all foreign forces from Libyan soil within three months.

“It’s good that the two sides have been prepared to compromise, but the devil is in the detail,” said Peter Millett, a former British ambassador to Libya. “There are an awful lot of questions. A key one is – will countries that have been sponsors of military forces in Libya support this compromise?”

Both camps in Libya’s complex war have received extensive backing from foreign powers.

Friday’s deal comes four months after Haftar’s Russian- and Emirati-backed forces gave up their yearlong attempt to seize the capital, Tripoli, a battle that killed hundreds of people and displaced tens of thousands.

In June, Haftar withdrew from western Libya in the face of a blistering counterattack by forces supporting the GNA which is backed by Turkey.

The battle had further deepened the bitter mistrust between the rival political camps and their military allies, as well as common Libyans.

“The war caused terrible social divisions,” said Obeydi. “Work is needed immediately, right now, to rebuild and to heal the deep wounds in Libyan society.”

The deal calls for the departure of all foreign forces from Libyan soil within three months [AFP]

‘Ready to react’

“We have experience with a previous agreement, which was five days before Haftar’s attack on Tripoli, during which he destroyed the capital’s infrastructure and killed many people,” pro-GNA fighter Salim Atouch said, voicing doubts the ceasefire would hold.

“I hope this won’t be like previous agreements, meaning we go back to war again. We will abide by it, but we are ready to react at any moment if it’s violated.”

The Geneva talks were the military part of a process led by the UN’s Libya mission UNSMIL.

Separate political talks that start on Monday aim to create a new governing body and prepare for elections.

Mohamed Dorda, co-founder and consulting director of geopolitical risk consultancy Libya Desk, said the ceasefire was a positive step that “creates a basis for the political talks”.

“Libya needs a security arrangement to allow a government to be set up. If we don’t deal with the security crisis, we will find ourselves in same situation in a few years.”

Massoud al-Fotmani, a 57-year-old from Benghazi who runs a group of food stores, said he hoped the ceasefire would hold.

“The war has caused a terrible economic downturn,” he said. “We’ve lost a lot of money because of the cutting of commercial ties between east and west due to the roads being closed.”

English teacher Mayssoon Khalifa, who works at a private school in Tripoli, echoed his call for lasting peace.

“Many are hopeful, but not optimistic,” she said. “I sincerely wish that this deal will hold. Libya deserves better.”


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Farewell to the airport that wouldn’t die



(CNN) — While the imminent opening of Berlin’s long-delayed Brandenburg Airport will cause many in the city to breathe a sigh of relief, it also means the sad end of an era.

As Brandenburg cranks into action, Berlin’s Tegel Airport — a much-loved relic from the last century — will at long last be closing for good.

In truth, Tegel should’ve been decommissioned years ago. It was congested, tired and outdated. But Brandenburg’s decade of delays kept it alive as a stand-in, and for all its faults, it had many admirers.

Even efforts to permanently close the airport earlier this year due to the coronavirus pandemic failed. Tegel managed to evade death one last time.

Despite its relatively small size, it became Germany’s fourth busiest airport and symbolized Berlin like few other public buildings.

Berlin’s airports were never just means of transport, never just faceless terminals in the middle of a field. These facilities perfectly reflect the turbulent story of the city in the 20th and 21st century.

The most famous, Tempelhof, was opened in 1927, and sealed its place in aviation history during the Berlin airlift of 1948-49 when the city was blockaded by the Soviet Union.

Now closed, it’s been transformed into a park and sought-after location for World War II movies.

The city’s other main airport, Schönefeld, opened in 1946 as the main airfield of East Germany, and retained something of that Soviet atmosphere well beyond the country’s reunification.

Of all of them, it’s Tegel that holds a special place in the heart of many Berliners.

Stalin’s orders

Tegel Airport is scheduled to close for good on November 8, 2020.

Tegel Airport is scheduled to close for good on November 8, 2020.


Like so many other things in the city, Tegel Airport is a stopgap measure that somehow became permanent.

After World War II, when West Berlin was still in the hands of allied forces, there were plans to turn the area into allotments, but Soviet leader Joseph Stalin had different plans.

As the blockade he ordered began in June 1948, it turned out quickly that there was need for an additional airfield to bring supplies in, so the French authorities in charge of the Tegel district ordered the construction of a 2,500-meter-long runway — the longest in Europe at the time.

The first plane, a USAF Douglas C-54, landed in November 1948.

After the blockade ended six months later, Tegel became the Berlin base of the French Air Force.

In the late 1950s, with increased air traffic coming into West Berlin in ever bigger planes, the runways at Tempelhof were proving too short, so over the next two decades Tegel became the main airport.

The city’s special status during the Cold War meant that only the Allies could operate military and civilian aircraft from and to Tegel. All passengers had to use the airport’s original small prefabricated terminal building.

Despite these cramped conditions and restrictions, for some the airport truly was a gateway to freedom.

Drahomira Bukowiecki fled communist Czechoslovakia in 1968 to West Berlin and was sentenced to 10 years hard labor in absentia.

For her, the airport became the only means of escaping a city surrounded by communism.

“I could only ever leave through Tegel, as I would have been arrested if I tried to cross the GDR via land,” Bukowiecki tells CNN Travel. “So Tegel truly became my gateway to the world, also because I took a plane for the first time in my life from here.”

Hexagonal glamor

Tegel was seen as a

Tegel was seen as a “a gateway to freedom” for some people fleeing Soviet oppression.

Maja Hitij/Getty Images

The airport continued to make an impression on Berliners, especially after a new, mildly brutalist and hexagonally shaped terminal building was opened in 1974.

The striking design shortened walking distances to as short as 30 meters from aircraft to the terminal exit.

“To me and many other West Berliners, Tegel really was a place apart,” Bukowiecki adds. “It symbolized the glamorous world of air travel with its shops that sold wonderful things and the whole process of taking a flight which was very different in the 1970s.

“And even after reunification, with air travel becoming available widely, that view did not change. Schönefeld really is so far away from the city center. So for me and my generation Tegel is the true Berlin airport, a part of us and the one place that enabled us to fly to freedom!”

In the next few years things really took off for Tegel.

On September 1, 1975, Pan Am and British Airways moved their entire Berlin operation here overnight.

Retired journalist Jutta Hertlein remembers the excitement of her neighbors when the new terminal started its operations.

“In the morning my neighbor came to me and asked if I had heard all the planes flying low over the house all night — they were moving them from Tempelhof to Tegel,” she says. “But I had been so immersed in my work that I did not hear a thing.”

Hertlein also recalls that Tegel occupied a significant place in the political landscape of Berlin and Germany, for better or worse.

“I used it often to travel for work; but at the same time in the ’80s the airport was already used for the deportation of asylum seekers.

“There was a large protest planned on one such occasion, and I went to join the protestors at Tegel in the morning, but as I was wearing my usual business attire the policemen cordoning off the protest tried to guide me to the airport as I did not look like a protester at all — but I wanted to show that it’s not just the young punks and leftists protesting these deportations.”

Confusion and chaos

Tegel was scheduled to close early because of the pandemic, but still came back for more.

Tegel was scheduled to close early because of the pandemic, but still came back for more.


With German reunification in 1990 and the government moving from Bonn to Berlin, all restrictions on Berlin air traffic were lifted and Tegel became the official German government airport.

That role has meant it’s seen the US President’s Air Force One landing here more often than any other airport in Germany.

Reunification also meant that passenger numbers and flights increased exponentially as air travel became more and more commonplace.

Tegel was designed for handling 2.5 million passengers a year, but 24 million people flew from here in 2019.

While a new third terminal was added in 2007, Tegel became increasingly cramped, with operations and facilities clearly outdated.

There was no direct public transport connection either. Travelers using Berlin’s U-Bahn metro system had to change to a bus at Kurt-Schumacher-Platz. Even Schönefeld had better rail connections.

“Tegel’s unique architecture and design make you feel like being time-warped into the 1970s,” says frequent traveler Michael Stoffl, from Berlin. “The airport is tiny, especially when compared to other major capitals around the globe.

“The airport may have been considered modern and appropriate when it was opened but, especially over the last decade, passengers were to experience its downsides, like often feeling crammed and chaotic — and definitely the lack of space.

“You had to make sure you didn’t line up in the wrong queue at the check-in counters as it was often confusing where each one led to.

“Many Tegel regulars rave about its proximity to the city center, which makes for a quick transfer into town — unless you were using public transport. Personally, I won’t be missing Tegel, except perhaps from a nostalgic aspect.”

“ I’m madly in love with its ’70s ugliness. ”

Tilman Hierath, managing partner of Berlin’s Circus Hotel

But Tegel’s car-friendly design endeared the airport to many, especially in the Berlin hospitality sector.

Tilman Hierath is the managing partner of the Circus Hotel on Rosenthaler Platz as well as an enthusiastic hobby pilot and loves to use the airport.

“Tegel is easily the best airport in the world,” he says. “And I don’t only say that because I’m madly in love with its ’70s ugliness.

“This design might not be efficient to operate, but it is a traveler’s dream of short waiting times and short distances. When the cab drivers went on strike a few years back, I rented a van and drove our guests from the hotel to the airport.

“In Tegel that does not mean to an entrance two counties away. Instead, we were able to drop our guests off directly at their gate. It is the only major airport I know where you can see the check-in counter from the curb and the airplane from the check-in counter.”

Shabby charm

An old Boeing 707 that was presented as a gift to Lufthansa sits at the end of the runway.

An old Boeing 707 that was presented as a gift to Lufthansa sits at the end of the runway.

aslu/ullstein bild/Getty Images

Hierath recalls a particular incident involving a time-pressed guest.

“He needed to be in a very important meeting at our hotel and also needed to catch his flight that afternoon. So our front desk actually called Tegel and they held the gate open for our guest.

“It is this personal touch that made all the difference. Tegel was not designed to intimidate and impress, it was designed to be at the traveler’s service.”

Tegel has always seemed an appropriate entrance to Berlin.

It’s not a sleekly designed airport strewn with massage seats and smart screens. Instead, like the city it serves, it has a shabby charm and a good heart.

Its character shows through in the quirky parts of the airport unrelated to flight operations.

At the end of the runway sits an old Boeing 707, originally operated by El Al, that was once the target on an attempt by Palestinian terrorists to hijack it in 1970.

It was decorated in vintage Lufthansa markings and presented to the airline by Boeing as a gift in 1986. As no German pilots or carriers were permitted to fly into Tegel at the time, the plane was covered with white stickers and delivered by an American crew at night, to be revealed in Lufthansa colors the next day.

The aircraft was presented by Lufthansa to West Berlin in 1987 as part of celebrations for the city’s 750th birthday. Eventually it was shuffled off to a far-flung corner of the airfield, occasionally being used for evacuation training.

At the other end of Tegel is the small but quirky Allierte in Berlin museum, a private collection operated by volunteers and dedicated to the history of the Allied forces in Berlin.

Bowie and Reagan

A gateway to Berlin for US Presidents and popstars, Tegel has cemented its place in the city's history.

A gateway to Berlin for US Presidents and popstars, Tegel has cemented its place in the city’s history.

Maja Hitij/Getty Images

The airport itself is due to be confined to history on November 8 when the final scheduled flight to leave Tegel will be — fittingly — an Air France service to Paris.

After that, the future is somewhat uncertain.

Real estate developers and architects are ready to reinvent the airport: There are plans to develop the site into a so-called “Urban Tech Republic,” a high tech business hub that could provide 18,000 jobs.

Tegel’s A and B terminals will be used by the University of Applied Sciences Berlin to establish a new technology park for up to 2,500 students. The remaining area will be available for industrial use, the largest single inner-city development area in contemporary Berlin.

Whatever its fate, the airport’s place in the story of Berlin will forever cement its status as “the” city airport, particularly, as British writer and Berlin expert Paul Sullivan points out, thanks to its role in recent pop culture.

“I think that over the decades the airport’s modest dimensions and aesthetic and the fact that many celebrities like David Bowie and Ronald Reagan used it to enter West Berlin really created a lot of affection in Berliners,” he says.

“Even the overpriced Currywurst stall outside the terminal, made to look like an S-Bahn carriage, to me symbolizes the airport’s charming crappiness.”

Even though the neighbors will be relieved, the one thing that I’ll miss about Tegel the most is the direct, loud and smelly experience of travel.

There was something genuinely appealing about waiting at the bus stop on Kurt-Schumacher-Platz near the kebab stands and Chinese restaurants and watching the planes roar in just 50 meters overhead on their final approach to the airport.

Tegel was one of the last of a dying breed: a veteran city airport, battered and forever unbeaten.


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Egypt votes for new ‘rubber-stamp’ parliament



Egyptians are voting to elect a new parliament which critics say will just replicate a “rubber-stamp” body in place since 2015 under hardline President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.

In the second national elections this year, the country will be electing 568 seats out of 596 in the lower house of parliament from Saturday.

The remaining deputies will be appointed by the army general-turned-president el-Sisi, whose government has over the years silenced any serious political opposition to its rule.

More than 4,500 candidates are running as independents and on lists of party alliances. They are widely seen as backers of el-Sissi, who
has been governing Egypt since 2014.

Final results are not expected until mid-December.

Giant billboards have sprung up across the bustling capital, Cairo and elsewhere ahead of the vote that takes place on Saturday and Sunday.

And some candidates are campaigning online and have released video clips with songs to draw support.

But many of those running also stood for election five years ago in a political landscape marked by the presence of dozens of parties with little weight and influence on the ground.

The 2015 parliament was the first to come into office after the army, led by el-Sisi, deposed former leader Mohamed Morsi following widespread protests against the country’s first democratically elected civilian president.

In August, Egypt held elections for the newly restored 300-seat Senate in muted upper house elections marked by low voter turnout [File: Mohamed el-Shahed/AFP]

“Parliament has become an apparatus attached to the executive authority with no real legislative authority,” said Hassan Nafaa, a political science professor at Cairo University.

“It has almost never questioned any of the government’s policies or carried out any of the functions that parliaments normally do.”


Most of the candidates are fielded by a pro-government coalition led by the Mostakbal Watan party, or the “Nation’s Future Party”.

It includes top businessmen and public figures and has grown since 2014 to be one of the dominant political forces.

Earlier this week, its leader Abdelwahab Abdelrazek was named head of the Senate.

The October vote is the second to be held amid the COVID-19 pandemic which has so far infected more than 105,000 people and killed nearly 6,200 in the country.

In August, Egypt held elections for the newly restored 300-seat Senate in muted upper house elections marked by low voter turnout of about 14 percent.

The reinstatement of the upper house – which was abolished after Morsi’s removal – was among the constitutional amendments that Egyptians overwhelmingly voted for last year.

Other amendments included potentially extending el-Sisi’s rule until 2030, boosting his control over the judiciary and granting the army even greater influence in political life.

“The return of Senate was unnecessary, and parliament only serves as a facade of a legislative authority in Egypt,” said Saeed Sadiq, a professor of political sociology at Nile University.

He said he expected few among the the country’s 63 million eligible voters would cast their ballots this weekend.

Speaking from London, Wafik Moustafa, Chairman of the British Arab Network agreed that most people would not be taking part in the vote, explaining that the Egyptians had lost confidence in el-Sisi’s elections.

“People will be boycotting these elections because the parliament itself has no legislative power,” said Moustafa.

“It is a fake parliament that has never questioned the government,” he added.

Under el-Sisi authorities have cracked down on dissent, in a move which has ensnared journalists, online bloggers, lawyers and intellectuals.

Protests have been effectively banned under a restrictive 2013 law, and a state of emergency, which has been extended repeatedly, has been in place since 2017.

“The public space is only filled with movements, ideologies, and parties supportive of policies of the current ruling system,” said Nafaa.

“There is not a single sign showing that this climate allows for free and real elections.”


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